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After two months of PiS shock therapy, administered to Polish society, the time of in-depth reflection on the way to victory and our chances begins. Today I would like to reflect on some irremovable weaknesses of the liberal mentality in the fight against the nationalist dictatorship. Liberal is commonly defined here as a man who values individual freedoms and the pursuit of personal happiness more than the dictate of a unified community, of which it would be one of the elements. The state for a liberal is a necessary evil whose main task is to protect the political community in which specific persons with their individual goals and desires are the real most important subjects.
In a quiet time, a liberal deals with his own and relatives’ affairs, joins or not with others who have similar interests and / or interests, giving the state and local communities a tribute of his goods and freedoms, so that they would protect his life and property and regulated responsible relationships between people. For him, liberal democracy is the best system of the state, because it enables the development of a tolerant civil society and a non-repressive state of law, in which an individual can freely develop his abilities, talents and individual life projects. The liberal feels better in “loose” voluntary communities, he treats even his membership of the nation to a large extent as his personal choice, and not merely the automatism of birth or citizenship.
In times of threat to the state, his own and his relatives, a liberal for a time is willing to abandon the primacy of personal goals to become a temporary communitarist (community activist) and fight for the independence of the country or a threatened liberal democracy – just like many we are doing so now, fighting to defend democracy and against the nascent PiS dictatorship. The liberal does it – especially at the beginning – reluctantly, but with a sense of realism and responsibility for the common good – rem publicam – because he knows that if he does not get involved, his freedom and personal projects can become an illusion.
For nationalists and collectivists such as Scribes, the most important thing is community: nation, state, church. The unit only matters as a function and cog of something bigger. Just as a liberal derives his pride and meaning in life from his individual life project, a nationalist-collectivist is happy to blend in with the national crowd and the structure of the state, which is most often associated with the connection to the distributor of jobs, social benefits and privileges that he receives for faithful and loyal service to the community. The poor personal life of a nationalist collectivist is electrified and fed with spiritual and material goods flowing from the state and the party.
Due to this dependence on the party-state and church community, the nationalist-collectivist becomes an organic and permanent element in building this community. His relationship is permanent. He wants a strong state that will make decisions for him and provide him with a sense of dignity and material security, regardless of his personal talents and possibilities.
The liberal has a much weaker position and motivation in defending the state, which he treats as a necessary evil, to which he gives more than he receives. The liberal, fighting for the rule of law and liberal democracy, actually enters a foreign territory, in other liberals he is tied by a rather weak sense of community, he does not want to build a strong state, but on the contrary, he wants to weaken it in order to protect himself and civil society against excessive interference. in your affairs.
And this is our great weakness compared to the nationalist collectivists for whom the state and community are the source of strength, dignity and material goods. They fight for theirs: without the state, party, church and jobs, they wither, alienate themselves, become enemies of the state and liberal democracy, because they are not completely “theirs”. And if they “regain” this state and colonize it in a nationalist-collective frenzy, it is difficult for them to be away from this state – pathological, as we know, because they cannot create another state – to separate them. This is their fullness. And when they get jobs from municipalities through poviat, provincial and central, and link their work and businesses with the state and local authorities, they will be happy and will treat any democratic elections that would deprive them of this as an attack on the state (sic!).
A liberal’s constant temptation – also in the fight for liberal democracy and the rule of law – is to withdraw from politics and return to his life projects, even if they were to be implemented in a situation of emergency. Why? Because for a liberal his home territory is essentially private land, and public land only insofar as it is necessary to enter it in order to defend important personal rights, not necessarily only one’s own, but similar to others.
A liberal, fighting for the endangered state of law, does not count on the state to give him something and use it: material goods, jobs, a sense of dignity, etc., and the prospect that he would stay with this state permanently connected in some institutional or professional manner as a cog, it is just utterly alien to him, even disgusting. Unlike the nationalist-collectivist feeling at home in “his” state and commune, the liberal feels even temporary and foreign in “his” state. And this is – in my opinion – our greatest weakness in the current fight against the PiS dictatorship. How to make this weakness a force to regain liberal democracy in Poland, also for nationalist-collectivists, that is the question.
For now, our greatest strength is the sense of the threat to liberal values and lifestyle, the temporary community of struggle, and the determination to regain a safe state, constitutional and international framework for our personal life projects. Will this strength and determination of the liberals prove to be greater than the organic ties of the nationalists-collectivists with “their” state – time will tell.
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